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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 8, No. 7

Publication Date: July 25, 2021

DOI:10.14738/assrj.87.10384. Nnamdi-Eruchalu, G. I. (2021). Anglicization of Written Igbo Personal and Place Names: A Sociolinguistic Study. Advances in Social

Sciences Research Journal, 8(7). 501-515.

Services for Science and Education – United Kingdom

Anglicization of Written Igbo Personal and Place Names: A

Sociolinguistic Study

Geraldine Ifesinachi Nnamdi-Eruchalu

Department of English Language and Literature

Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria

ABSTRACT

The Igbo people are at the verge of losing their language, culture and identity to the

English Language [Azuonye 2002, Asonye 2013, Emeka-Nwobia 2020]. This work

aims at investigating into the Anglicization of written Igbo personal and place

names with a view to highlighting the extent of spellings and pronunciation

inconsistencies, discover what impact it has on the learning and development of the

language, and discover ways the attitude of the people can be changed towards the

language to forestall its death. It argues that the spelling inconsistencies it

introduced to the language is a source of challenge to learners, the majority of

whom already have negative attitude towards the language. Ogbalu [1974],

Oruchalu [1979] and Okodo [2008] made lists of anglicized names with their correct

Igbo spellings, and decried the practice. The data for this research were collected

from personal experiences, class lists, radio and television programmes, the

internet, social and print media, and interviews. It concludes that a change in the

attitude of the people towards their language, culture and identity as well as total

implementation of the Onwu Orthography with regards to the spelling of personal

and place names will complement the efforts being made to sustain the language.

Key words: Anglicization, spelling inconsistencies, identity, Onwu Orthography, names

INTRODUCTION

Igbo people are good at embracing novelties – novelty in dress, customs, language and in short

novelty in everything. In speech they prefer English to the mother tongue and those who have

smarthing (sic) knowledge of Hausa, Yoruba or Efic speak them even in an environment they

are not called for. [Ogbalu, 1974, p. 58]

The graphization of the Igbo Language is usually traced to its contact with the Europeans of the

colonial era and subsequently the writing and compilation of words to produce word lists by

the freed slaves in Freetown, Sierra Leone . However, its development went into limbo between

1929 and 1961 due to the Orthography and Dialect controversies, and reemerged with the

introduction of the (Official) Onwu Orthography in 1961. Also, through the efforts of the Society

for Promotion of Igbo Language and Culture using its standardization Committee, a standard

dialect of the Igbo language was arrived at, [Ogbalu 1974, 1982, Emenanjo 1982, 1985,

Nwachukwu 1983]. Meanwhile, the standardization movement has been blamed for the

marginalization of many Igbo dialects which would have helped to make the language more

viable [Azuonye 2002]. But this argument is beyond the scope of this paper since dialect

influences are not implicated in the Anglicization of Igbo names.

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Since the introduction and acceptance of the Onwu Orthography, it has been adopted in

writings and publications in the language, but one area where spellings have remained as the

colonialists left them or at the discretion of individuals is personal names, and this makes such

names ‘unIgbo’. Names are an embodiment of a people’s culture, worldviews, beliefs and

identity. Names place the thing named in one group rather than another. A name should,

therefore, carry the bearer’s identity, but this is no longer the case in the present-day Igbo

society where many names have been anglicized with little or no signification in the language.

Anglicized names here refer to Igbo names which have been influenced by the English culture

or affected by the English orthography to the extent that they have lost touch with Igbo

language and culture. Consider the following:

Enugu the capital of Enugu state of Nigeria means Énúgwú , which is hill top in Igbo language

due to its topography. Enugu as it is wrongly spelt is meaningless in the Igbo language.

Ísélé Úkwú /ísélé úkwú/, a town in Delta State is wrongly spelt Isele-Uku. Uku is meaningless

in Igbo language, but Ukwu means big/large.

The capital of Anambra state is wrongly spelt Awka instead of Ọka.

A more disturbing situation is where place names with the same pronunciations are spelt

differently across different Igbo towns. Examples:

Onícha in Anambra State is spelt Onitsha, while the one in the Igbo speaking area of Delta State

is spelt ‘Onicha’.

Ọba /ọba/ in Idemili North LGA in Anambra State is spelt Ọba, while the one in Nsukka, Enugu

State is spelt Ọrba.

The word Anambra is an aberration in Igbo spelling because of the presence of the consonant

cluster <br> which is not acceptable in Igbo phonotactics. The correct spelling is Anambara in

line with the ‘Ọmambala River’ from where her name was derived. The /m/ is a syllabic nasal

and as such treated as a vowel.

The danger in this practice is that the meanings of Igbo words are being lost, and people who

are not familiar with the correct pronunciation of such wrongly pronounced names pronounce

them wrongly.

Personal names are not left out of this trend. People who answer Okafo, meaning a male child

born on Afor market day, for instance, have spelt their name as Okafo, Okafor, Okarfor, Okaphor

respectively, while those who answer Uzoka have spelt it as Uzoka, Uzorka, Uzohka, Uzokar.

Uzokah. These inconsistencies are misleading to learners of Igbo, and create confusion for users

of the language as to which of the spellings to select when faced with a situation to address an

Okafo or an Uzoka, for instance, in writing. It was this observation that drew my interest to this

research.

Okodo [2008], Oruchalu [1979], Ogbalu [1974], compiled anglicized Igbo names to illustrate

their forms, and condemned the practice. Obitube and Okeke [2019] studied the sociolinguistic

and pedagogical implications of Anglicization on Igbo place names using questionnaires and

observation as instruments for data collection. This paper, in addition to compiling an extensive

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Nnamdi-Eruchalu, G. I. (2021). Anglicization of Written Igbo Personal and Place Names: A Sociolinguistic Study. Advances in Social Sciences Research

Journal, 8(7). 501-515.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10384

list of Anglicized Igbo names and describing the patterns of the Anglicization is a clarion call to

standardize the spellings of personal names to make the language simpler for learners now that

UNESCO has listed it as an endangered language. It advocates ways the people can change

their attitude towards their language so as to sustain their culture and identity. To this end, the

researcher sets out to document and carry out an in-depth analysis of Igbo place and personal

names in the face of Anglicization with a view to finding out its implication for Igbo language

development and learning. To achieve these set objectives, the research is guided by the

following research questions.

i. In what ways have Igbo personal and place names been Anglicized?

ii. What implication has the Anglicization of Igbo personal and place names on the

language and the learners?

iii. How can the the Anglicization of Igbo names be checked?

The answers to these questions will provide the information needed to understand the major

concerns of this paper.

LITERATURE REVIEW

The Igbo and their Attitude towards their Language

Igbo is a major Nigerian language spoken as a first language in the South Eastern states of Abia,

Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo, and parts of the South Southern states of Akwa-Ibom, Rivers,

Delta, and Cross Rivers. However, due to the gregarious, industrious, and innovative lifestyle of

the Igbo, it is spoken all over Nigeria and in the diaspora where the speakers live [Buah 1973,

Asonye 2013]. Ribadu [2017] observes that it is common joke that whichever village you go in

Nigeria and you don’t see an Igbo man, you should take to your heels. Though taken simply as

a joke, this speaks to the industrious and adventurous nature of a typical Igbo persona and

illustrates how rooted the Igbo are in this country [p..9].

Greenberg 1963 classified Igbo among the kwa sub group of the Niger-Congo languages family

[Niger-Congo Languages, n.p., Asonye 2003]. It is a tonal as well as multidialectal language, with

its dialects different mainly in their phonological and lexical components, at times to a point of

being mutually unintelligible. The preliterate Igbo were farmers, hunters, fishermen, traders,

and craftsmen and women with specialized knowledge of pottery, carving, black smiting,

weaving, and many others, and were thus comfortable with their subsistent economy In fact,

the Igbo were living an organized lifestyle in their ‘self-sufficient society’ before they were

invaded by the Europeans [Isichei, 1973, p. 50].

The Europeans did not penetrate the Igbo interior early, but when they did, they established

trading relationships with the people, as well as their religion, and government. With a colonial

government in place, schools, churches, courts, and administrative offices, prisons, and others

were opened, and provided various opportunities to the people. Thus a foreign culture, foreign

religion, and foreign language were imposed on them. By their very adaptive, dynamic,

individualistic, and adventurous nature, they embraced them wholesomely.. Consequently, the

lifestyle of the Igbo was disrupted. Achebe captures it vividly in this excerpt:

But he says that our customs are bad; and our own brothers who have taken up his religion also

say that our customs are bad. How do you think we can fight when our own brothers have

turned against us? The white man is very clever. He came quietly and peaceably with his

religion. We were amused at his foolishness and allowed him to stay. Now he has won our

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brothers, and our clan can no longer act like one. He has put a knife on the things that held us

together and we have fallen apart. [2008, p. 141].

The people placed everything English above their own local values. Many educated Igbo parents

have forbidden addressing their children in the Igbo language, or even speak it at home

[Azuonye 2002]. Such parents boldly announce that their children neither speak nor

understand the language. The uneducated, some of whom cannot utter a single grammatical

sentence in the English language or pronounce the words correctly cannot miss any

opportunity to brandish English even when such a display is uncalled for. They also make it a

point of duty to make English the language of the home, thereby introducing their children to

bad English and no Igbo. The implication is that many Igbo children living right in the heart of

Igbo land among Igbo parents cannot speak the Igbo language well [Ani 2012, Emeka-Nwobia

2020]. It is already established that many Igbo today lace their Igbo with English words in their

day to day use of language because they are losing grip of their language [Asonye 2013, Okoye

and Onwuegbuchunam 2011]. I have not forgotten that I heard the word ‘enemy’ as a child from

my late paternal grandmother who never went to school for one day and who was never

exposed formally or informally to the English language. At first I thought it was an Igbo word

until I came across it in the course of my primary education. Yet, she used it and other English

expressions in her everyday conversations. That is the extent English has permeated the Igbo

rural areas. Ogbalu in Afigbo affirm that:

The people’s flair for things foreign, their dislike for their own things, tradition and mode of

living have constituted the main obstacle to Igbo language development.... Even persons who

had not been to school and could not make any single correct English sentence now find it

difficult to speak Igbo without punctuating it with English utterances suitable or unsuitable

[1995, p. 257]

Also worrisome is that many Igbo have gone to the extent of blotting out everything Igbo in

their names by Europeanizing both their given names and surnames, thereby making it

impossible for them to be traced to their root [Nnamdi-Eruchalu, 2017]. Originally, through

Igbo names you could point to the part of Igboland where someone comes from, but this is

becoming increasingly impossible with such names as Bianca Paul, Goodness Loveday, John

Israel, Salome Sunday, Sunday Moses, Felix Abraham, Nikky Michael which many Igbo answer

officially as their name. This trend if not urgently tackled by launching well-crafted campaigns

targeted at discouraging it, or documenting Igbo names answered in different parts of Igboland,

with their meanings, will lead to the loss of many Igbo personal names (of which some of them

are already extinct) by 2050. In many of the instances I inquired into such change of name was

done by the family, while the original Igbo name is left to die.

Nevertheless, the English language is a force to reckon with. It is spoken in the UK, United States

of America, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and South Africa as a first language [Veghese

1989]. In Nigeria, India, Ghana, Sierra Leone, and almost all the countries colonized by Britain,

English is used as a second language. In many other countries of the world it is an official

language. Hornby [2015, R 91] enthuses that “one in five of the world population speaks English

with some degrees of competence”. It is the language of international diplomacy, world trade

and commerce, and international sports. The wealth of knowledge in modern scientific and

technological discoveries can only be adequately accessed through the medium of the English

language. It is one of the major languages used in the deliberations of the United Nations, and

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Nnamdi-Eruchalu, G. I. (2021). Anglicization of Written Igbo Personal and Place Names: A Sociolinguistic Study. Advances in Social Sciences Research

Journal, 8(7). 501-515.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10384

its organs, EU, AU, and many other international bodies as well as world communication. It is

also the language of command of NATO. In Nigeria, it is the linguistic bridge that links her

multiple small nations merged as one for colonial convenience. In fact, Nigeria exits because

English oils her existence. Though a second language in the country, its functional load is almost

as enormous as that of a first language [Onuigbo and Eyisi, 2009 ].

The Writing System

Writing is one of the “three basic modes of linguistic communication” [Finnegan 2012: 17].

Others are speech and signing. It is the use of graphic inscriptions to represent the words of a

language. Writing is system of representing the words of a language visually, and is different

from paintings, carvings, and so on which do not represent the word of a language [McGregor

2009]. Writing is said to have been invented thrice at three different regions of the world: the

Near East, China and Mesoamerica, the earliest of them being the Mesopotamian Cunieform

developed by the Sumerians of the present-day Iraq in the 3rd Millennium [Schmandt- Besserat,

2014 ]. Writing derives from speech which is primary to it, and represents it in some ways in

all true writing systems [McGregor 2009]. The writing system of a language defines the

linguistic unit that is represented by the graphemes of a language [Miller 2019. p. 1].

The world has evolved three main writing systems: the syllabary where a syllable corresponds

to a grapheme, morphographic where a word corresponds to a grapheme, and alphabetic where

a letter corresponds to a grapheme [Coulmas 2003, Schmandt- Besseret 2014]. The extent of

the consistency or accuracy between the sounds and graphemes of a language vary across

languages with Spanish, Igbo, for example, showing consistency, and English being highly

consistent, mainly due to the foreign status many of her word stock. Learning to read in a

language, therefore, involves discovering the linear correspondences between the sounds of

the spoken language and the graphemes. For instance, to be able to read the Igbo word ‘ụlọ’, the

reader would need to be able to realize that the sound /ụ/ is realized as the grapheme ụ, the

sound /l/ is realized as the grapheme l, and the sound /ọ/ is realized as the grapheme ọ. This

pattern of correspondence between the written and phonological forms is called the

orthography of the language.

The Igbo Orthography

The English language was already in use in this part of the world before the colonial rule. The

Education Ordinance of 1882 provided grants-in- aid for the teaching of reading and writing in

English, thereby sealing the fate of the fate of the Igbo language [Oraka, 1983, p. 2]. Meanwhile,

Igbo slaves continued to speak a dialect of Igbo called the Isuama Igbo. The German Missionary,

G. C. A. Oldendorp, came in contact with them in the West Indies, and had some Igbo words in

the book he published in 1777 [Oraka, 1983, p. 21]. Those were the first known written Igbo

words. About a decade later, tens of Igbo words were found in Oluida Equiano’s autobiography

published in London in 1789. The Abolition of slave trade, and subsequent settlement of ex- slaves in Freetown, Sierra Leone led to the compilation of Igbo word lists by ex-slaves.

Missionaries like Morrick (a missionary in Fernando Po), John Clark, S.W. Koelle also published

their Igbo wors lists. (Pritchett, n.p). Discussed below is a brief history of orthography of the

Igbo language:

The Lepsius Orthography: Lepsius, a German philologist produced the International Standard

Alphabets for all languages of the world in 1854 [Oraka, 1983, p. 25]. Thirty-four of them,

comprising twenty-six consonants and six vowels were adopted for the Igbo language. Among

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the alphabets were <ts> and <ds> which were not Igbo alphabets. Samuel Crowther’s Isoama- Ibo Primer, J.F. Schon’s Oku-Ibo:Grammatical Elements of the Ibo Language, F. W. Smart’s An

Ibo Primer were all published in the Lepsius orthography and like other books published at that

time in Isuama dialect [Pritchett, p.3, Oraka, p. 27].

The Old orthography: It was also called the CMS (Church Missionary Society), Standard, or

Union Igbo orthography. The Reverend Thomas J. Dennis reviewed both the Lepsius

orthography and the Isuama dialect and replaced <ts>, <ds> and <s> with <ch>, <j> and ‘sh’

[Oraka, p.29, Prichett, p.4]. In this orthography <u> stood for <u> and <ụ>, while<‘I> stood for

<I> and <ị>, making it difficult to differentiate between words that contain the two letters. It

retained the thirty-four alphabets of the Lepsius orthography. Many writers of the period

sought a ‘compromise’ Igbo dialect which could bind different dialects of Igbo and promote

wide readability of Igbo texts.

The New Orthography: This was referred to as the “Adam-Ward or Roman Catholic

Orthography. Igbo alphabets increased to thirty-six with the introduction <I> and <ụ> to clear

the confusion in the use of <u> and <I> to represent two sounds each. There was also the

replacement of <ch>, <e>, <ị>, <ṅ>, <ọ>, and <ụ>, with<‘c>, <ɛ>, <I> and <e>, <ŋ>, <ᴐ>, <u> and

<ө> respectively [Ngoesi, 1993, p. 2]. The orthography was approved of by the government, and

adopted by the Roman Catholic Church and the Methodist missions. The controversy emanating

from its adoption crippled the study of Igbo for decades.

The Onwu Orthography: In 1961, Dr. S.E. Onwu and his committee corrected what were

considered as the anomalies in the Old and New Orthographies, and produced a compromise

orthography based on the notion of a standard Igbo dialect. It was made up of thirty-six

alphabets, and the new letters introduced in the New orthography were replaced with dotted

counterparts as seen below: <a, b, gb, d, e, f, g, gh, h, i, ị, j, k, l, m, n, ṅ, o, ọ, p, kp, r, s, sh, t, u, ụ, v,

w, y, z, ch, gw, kw, ny, ny>. In 1973, the Society for Promoting Igbo language and Culture (SPILC)

rearranged the alphabets alphabetically as follows: <a, b, ch, d, e, f, g, gb, gh, gw, h, i, ị, j, k, l, m,

n, ṅ, nw, ny, o, ọ, p, r, s, sh, t, u, ụ, v, w,y,z>. [Ngoesi, 1993, p, 4].

The Phonotactics of English: Though English, a language of the Indo-European language

family, does not share much in common with Igbo. It has 26 letters of the alphabets( a, b, c, d,

e,f, g, h, I.j.k.l.m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, u,v, w, x, , z), and about 44 phonemes. It is an intonational

language and stress-timed. In essence, only one syllable at a time carries the primary stress,

with the pitch of the voice rising the most during the pronunciation of the syllable with the

primary stress. This is unlike Igbo which is a tonal language, and is syllable timed. All the

syllables of the words of the Igbo language are given equal prominence.

English has a chaotic spelling system which has changed tremendously from the Old, to Middle,

to modern English[(Finnegan 2012], and entertains spelling and sound discrepancies and

inconsistent spellings. This is not so with the Igbo language which has a more recent writing

tradition and is in most part pronounced as it is spelt. Some of the phonotactic constraints of

the English which do not apply to Igbo are: consonant clusters (of up to three at the syllable

onset), doubling of letters, presence of a coda.

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Nnamdi-Eruchalu, G. I. (2021). Anglicization of Written Igbo Personal and Place Names: A Sociolinguistic Study. Advances in Social Sciences Research

Journal, 8(7). 501-515.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10384

Language Shift

Language shift is the theoretical framework guiding this study. It refers to a peoples’ gradual

replacement of their language, which is often less developed, with a more powerful and more

developed language. It is different from language change which is the replacement of some old

forms of the language with new ones, and is more of a historical study of language. Language

shift occurs in situations of bilingualism, multilingualism, language contacts, and Language

diffusion [Agyekum 2010. p. 82].

Language shift has been defined as “a situation in which a community of speakers effectively

abandons one language by shifting to another (not necessarily by conscious choice)” [Garret

2006. p. 63]. Fasold [1984 . p. 213] holds that “Language shift simply means that a community

gives up a language completely in favour of another one. The members of the community, when

the shift has taken place, have collectively chosen a new language where an old one used to be

used. It is a peoples’ gradual abandonment of their language because of its low status or the

perceived limited socioeconomic, educational, political value for a more viable and more

powerful foreign language. Language shift begins with the contact of two or more languages

occasioned by invasion, conquests, colonization, trade, and more recently westernization and

globalization.. This contact leads to bilingualism/multilingualism, code mixing and code

switching, then gradually the people tend towards monolingualism in the more powerful and

dominant language, and begin to lose competence in their own language. The result of this is

language endangerment. The language is no longer spoken to the younger generations of the

people, the adults themselves begin to code-mix and code switch between the language that

presents better prospects and theirs that has a low status. Any language plunged in this state

without serious efforts by the speakers to revitalize it becomes extinct.

Language maintenance is the opposite of language shift. It is the insistence of a people to retain

their language in the event of its contact with another language. The people resolve to speak

their local language and retain their culture in the face of a threatening dominant and more

powerful language . They promote the use of their language irrespective of the benefits attached

to the foreign language by giving it some functional load in the state, the media, education,

legislation, and so on.

METHODOLOGY

The qualitative research design based on the use of case studies to gain a deep understanding

of the phenomenon under investigation was adopted for this study. As a lecturer in a University

in the heart of Igboland, I always have access to students class lists. Moreover, I an an Igbo. I

relate with the students, and know the names they answer. The sampling technique adopted

for data collection in this study was deliberate selection. I wrote down as many Anglicized Igbo

names as I could find on billboards, books, the internet, print and electronic media, social media.

I also visited and interviewed twelve university lecturers who teach the Igbo language and

culture courses, some of whom are Igbo language consultants and external examiners in

various universities and colleges. The interview questions were unstructured, and I recorded

their responses by hand and by a tape recorder. The interviewees are identified as Interviewees

1 to 12 for easy reference.

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PRESENTATION OF DATA AND ANALYSIS

Research Question One

In what ways have written Igbo personal and place names been Anglicized?

Approximation of <gw>, <gb>, and <ch/> to <g>, <b>, and <tsh>. Examples:

Spelling of Wrong Spelling in Correct

Anglicized Name Pronunciation Igbo Pronunciation

1. Enugu enugu Enugwu enugwu

2. Oguta oguta Ugwuta ugwuta

3. Abaja abaja Agbaja agbaja

4. Abaw-Ogugu abo-ogugu Agbo-Ogwugwu agbo-ogwugwu

5. Ibusa ibusa Igbo-Uzo Igbo-uzo

6. Mbowo mbowo Mgbowo Mgbowo

7. Ogui ogui Ogwui ogwui

8. Ibo ibo Igbo igbo

Anglicization of these place names follow the pattern of the wrong approximations of <gw>,

<gb>, and <ch/> to <g>, <b>, and <tsh>. respectively due to the absence of the <gw>, <gb>,

and <ch/> in the English sound system. Hence, in Enugwu, Ugwuta, and Ogwui, /gw/ was

approximated to /g/ to produce the deviant spellings Enugu, Oguta and Ogui which are

meaningless in the Igbo language, and cannot pass as English words either. Ugwuta suffers yet

another Anglicization with the replacement of the initial <u> with <o>. Agba-Ogwugwu

contains both /gb/ and /gw/ which are approximated to /b/ and /g/. Its /ọ/ sound is also

replaced with a combination of /aw/. Abaw-ogugu, therefore, is a deviation and a corruption of

the Igbo place name Agbo-ogwugwu. A similar thing happened in Agbaja and Mgbowo where

/gb/ is approximated to /b/ giving rise to Abaja and Mbowo. Meanwhile, Agbaja has since

regained its Igbo spelling. Ibo is an anglicized form of Igbo, yet many Igbo regard them as some

kind of synonyms which can be used interchangeably. Some Igbo language experts use Ibo to

refer to the people, and Igbo to refer to the language, while some do not make such distinctions.

Yet Ibo is a corruption of Igbo.

ii. Replacement of <ọ> with <aw>or <or> as found in the following words:

Spelling of Wrong Spelling in Correct

Anglicized Name Pronunciation Igbo Name Pronunciation

1. Awka auka Ọka ọka

2. Amawbia amaubia Amaobia amaọbia

3. Awgwu augwụ Ọgwụ ọgwụ

4. Awkunawnaw aukụnaunau Ọkụnano ọkụnanọ

5. Awhum auhum Ọhum ọhum

6. Nawgụ naugụ Nogu nọogụ

7. Orsumogu ọsumogu Ọsụmoghu ọsumoghu

8. Orlu ọlụ Ọlụ ọlụ

9. Awkuzu aukuzu Okụzụ ọkuzu

10. Abawgazi abaugazi Agbọọgazi agbọọgazi

11. Nawfija naufija Nọfija nọọfija

12. Akpawfu akpaufu Akpofu akpofu

13. Awnueme aunueme Onueme onueme