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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol.7, No.9

Publication Date: September 25, 2020

DOI:10.14738/assrj.79.8933.

Saadellaoui, W., Zafouri, A., & Elloumi, A. (2020). Periurban Housing: The Genesis Of A New Urban Identity: Case Of Two Suburbs Of

Sfax City In Tunisia. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 7(9) 109-118.

Periurban Housing: The Genesis Of A New Urban Identity: Case Of

Two Suburbs Of Sfax City In Tunisia

Wahiba Saadellaoui

Laboratory, Ecimus, University of Sfax, Tunisia.

Amor Zafouri

Laboratory Ecumus, University of Sfax

Ali Elloumi

Laboratory Tec, University Paris Descartes, France.

ABSTRACT

The spontaneous periurban, peripheral, non-communal or anarchic

spontaneous habitat in Tunisia is a recent phenomenon that began as

early as independence and has continued to increase to the present day.

This type of habitat is a new configuration of urban space in the sense

that it expresses a set of signs and symbols that refers to a specific

culture and a certain relationship that is established between social

actors and their space. In this context, the question could be asked: why

is this type of habitat perceived as peripheral, illegal and marginalized?

Couldn't it be the focus of a sensual daily life? The space of these outlying

neighbourhoods is the place of interaction through which each

inhabitant writes his scenario through his actions, values and daily

practices to forge an urban identity both individual and collective. This

is what we have seen from fieldwork in two suburbs of the city of Sfax:

Ben Saida and Erryadh district where poverty and marginality were

experienced as a creative experience. The interactionism and sociology

of everyday life thus constitute our theoretical framework through

which we will use observation and audiovisual recording as

investigative techniques to take a close look at the spontaneous

behaviours of social actors and to deeply analyze their daily

conversations of the populations of the outlying districts of Sfax. The

interactionism and sociology of everyday life thus constitute our

theoretical framework through which we will use observation and

audiovisual recording as investigative techniques to take a close look at

the spontaneous behaviours of social actors and to deeply analyze their

daily conversations of the populations of the outlying districts of Sfax.

We are trying to go beyond the classic theories that the State/Society

relationship could only be a vertical relationship, that is, a

determinant/determined report loaded with violence that can only be

revealed from the representations of these populations towards the

State in the form of attitudes and opinions because the decisions that the

State makes for the benefit of the populations push them to react by

opposing for the We are thus trying to go beyond the classic theories that

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the State/Society relationship could only be a vertical relationship, that

is, a determinant/determined report loaded with violence that can only

be revealed from the representations of these populations towards the

state in the form of attitudes and opinions because the decisions that the

State takes for the benefit of the populations push them to react by

opposing to assert, on the other hand, their attachments to the

peripheral space-neighbourhood itself if it was stigmatized and

excluded by state institutions. The daily experience is therefore rich in

meaning and symbols and it deserves a long time to make it the raw

material of our sociological analysis.

Keywords: suburban space, lived life, suburban interaction, urban identity.

INTRODUCTION

Periurbanization is not a new phenomenon because it has been treated by other disciplines such as

geography which sees that the appearance of peri-urban habitats attaches to internal mobility from

the countryside to the cities. In this respect, ample nominations to designate a form of clandestine

habitat such as periurban, peripheral, non-municipal or anarchic spontaneous habitat in

Tunisia. This type of habitat is a recent phenomenon that began with independence and has

continued to grow to the present day. This type of housing is a new configuration of urban space in

the sense that it expresses a set of signs and symbols that refer to a specific culture and a certain

relationship that is established between social actors and their space and between a globalized

culture. This report becomes incomprehensible if one deals in isolation with its urban setting which

indicates that this culture, which may be called rurban, is built by cultural and spatial social

representations.

Moreover, peri-urban housing is not limited to purely quantitative statistical analyses but to

qualitative analyses which open the door to everyday practices of the inhabitants of the peripheral

neighbourhoods which create another world of action charged with meaning and meanings. In this

regard, these practices are not isolated from the spatio-cultural framework, the neighbourhood,

because they express their daily representations towards themselves and others regardless of

individual or institutional (state and state institutions, etc.).

Our work has focused on peri-urban housing as a space that creates values and rural lifestyles

because the space of these outlying neighbourhoods is the place of interaction through which each

inhabitant writes his scenario through his actions, its values and daily practices for forging an urban

identity both individually and collectively. This is what we were able to notice from a field work

carried out in two suburbs of the city of Sfax: District Ben Saida and that of Erryadh where poverty

and marginality were lived as a creative experience.

To understand the phenomenon of peri-urban housing as a dynamic conversational framework, it

is necessary to resort to symbolic interactionism and the sociology of experience to analyze the

articulation between the daily scene, full of masks and rules to play, and its lived experiential

dimension.

In this context, the question could be asked: why is this type of habitat perceived as peripheral,

illegal and marginalized? Could it not be the home of a sensual daily life?

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Saadellaoui, W., Zafouri, A., & Elloumi, A. (2020). Periurban Housing: The Genesis Of A New Urban Identity: Case Of Two Suburbs Of Sfax City In Tunisia.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 7(9) 109-118.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.8933 111

PERIURBAN SPACE: FROM POLITICS TO SOCIAL

First of all, we have to start with a factor, which we think is essential, which is part of the emergence

of peri-urban housing in Tunisia, namely the rural exodus. This factor was the result of inadequate

development policies. These policies were sectoral, that is to say they are oriented towards sectors

rather than towards social demands. This sectorialization has given rise to a social category «left for

account» orphan of the public policies of the Tunisian State on the one hand and a social

differentiation between “urbanites versus «neo-urbanites» (or rural) on which Naciri, in Morocco, and

Benatya, in Algeria, have built a social reading of the city.”(Navez-Bouchanine , 2002, 171) on the

other hand. The urban/neo-city-dwellers who have marked the urban landscape of the city of Sfax

leads us to put the finger on a new social world in the process of constitution laden with conflict

betweenthem.

In this world, a specific image of peri-urban space is created in two different ways that can be drawn

from our field study. The first way focuses on the search for “bread of the day” as a necessary step

to settle in housing, rental or ownership, and it clearly explains “the relationship to the city

experienced by the inhabitants.” (Navez-Bouchanin , 2002, 173) , a relationship through which a field

of conflict is created between those who present themselves as the owners of urban space (city

dwellers) and those (rural people) who daily fight to snatch their rights from the city, in the words

of Henri Lefebvre.

The second way focuses on anchoring in urban space in general and in periurban space in

particular. For newcomers from the interior regions of Tunisia, this anchoring is an essential step

in accessing the urban lifestyle by buying a plot of land to build a house and live as a family or alone

in hiding, as the case of the two peri-urban neighbourhoods studied in thesis: Ben Saida and

Erryadh, Sidi Abid Sfax district. These two self-produced neighborhoods were the origin of farmland

before they became habitat neighborhoods in different historical periods.

For Ben Saida-7 November

“the first traces of the neighborhood date back to the 80s, but it is from the 2000s, that

the neighborhood received more than half of its current residents: 53.3%

Date of residence in the neighbourhood %

Before 1980 -

Between 1980 and 1990 9.3

Between 1990 and 2000 37.3

After 2000 53.3

Total 100.0”

In fact, this district of 3000 inhabitants is characterized by its proximity to the communal

environment of the delegation of Thyna “from which it is separated only by a railway representing

the boundary between the communal and not communal space of the delegation.” as shown in the

photo below taken by our phone:

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This separation is not only geographical, it is also socio-cultural between purely urban and rural

thinking. About the appointment of the Ben Saida district, she returns to the Saint Sidi Ben Saida,

the photo below marks her sanctuary.

As far as the 7 November neighbourhood is concerned, it was politically founded by Zinelabidine

Ben Ali on 7/11/1987 as part of the promotion of the disadvantaged social categories included in

the SAP (Structural Adjustment Programme) adopted by Tunisian Prime Minister Rachid Sfar in

1986. This program “is structured around 8 points:

1. The truth of prices and the progressive liquidation of the Caisse Générale de Compensation.

2. The disengagement of the State by giving the private sector the public enterprises in

difficulty.

3. Export promotion.

4. The gradual liberalization of imports and the easing of the protection of the economy,

considered too excessive.

5. The devaluation of the dinar currently stands at 57%.

6. Limiting public and private consumption.

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Saadellaoui, W., Zafouri, A., & Elloumi, A. (2020). Periurban Housing: The Genesis Of A New Urban Identity: Case Of Two Suburbs Of Sfax City In Tunisia.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 7(9) 109-118.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.8933 113

7. Cleaning up the management of public enterprises

8. Freezing wages and indexing them to productivity.”(Belhédi, 1992, 76)

These points are purely economic and there are no points concerning social problems. With BenAli,

this PAS will absorb social tensions by convincing disadvantaged groups by its political project that

it is interested in their economic (poverty) and social problems by the construction of social housing

(as the case of the neighborhood 7 November) on the one hand and by the launch of project 26-26

for social solidarity on the other. In appearance, BenAli’s policy has understood the social demands

of people living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, but basically it serves only to deepen the social

crisis, the proof is the foundation of the Destourian cells not to listen to the daily problems of the

inhabitants but to control them.

In this sense, the two neighborhoods are transformed into spaces of play between the inhabitants

and the institutions.

BEN SAIDA AND ERRYADH: SUBURBAN DAILY INTERACTION DISTRICTS:

“The reading of peri-urban life as a characteristic of a domestic retreat or the rise of

individualism likely to call into question the very foundations of “making society”. On

this second point, recent interpretations insist on the rise of the periurban self.”(Dodier,

2007, 31),

says Rodolphe Dodier, focusing on the relationship between one peri-urban mode and another

urban mode. We can approach the spatio-interactional question as the main point of our analysis

by using the testimonies of the inhabitants of the two precarious neighborhoods to better

understand their relationship to the inhabited space on the one hand and to the city on the other.

First, their relationship with inhabited space is part of

“a particular representation of an actor 3as proof of his or her ability to play his or her

role and to play it again in each of the occasions that call upon him or her.”(Goffman,

1973, 229),

this means that the success of the actor in his or her socio-interactional role remains the issue of an

evaluation carried out by the audience to whom he or she is addressing. Let us apply this idea to our

case study, the inhabitants of the neighborhoods of Ben Saida and Erryadh translate their

acceptances or refusal to enter into interaction with another especially neighbors if they are not

able to present themselves even in an intelligent way so that they are accepted within the interactive

circle. Through our field survey and audiovisual recording of 95 inhabitants, we discovered their

ways of defining the communicational situation. They told us that every inhabitant who wants to

interact with us must accept the language difference (dialect) and our social origins if not it will be

excluded.

In this way, the inhabited space (neighborhood/ Houma) is transformed into a theatrical space

where each inhabitant serves to possess it by writing his own scenario carrying emotions of social

evils because of a situation of poverty and common marginality. The latter influences their relations

with each other as neighbours and with other inhabitants of other neighborhoods and also with

communal institutions. Here we can cite the case of a resident of the Ben Saida neighborhood who

has been stigmatized by a social worker in the municipality of Thyna, which named Ben Saida a

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"dark neighborhood," it pushes the resident into conflict with this assistant by defending her

inhabited space on the one hand and filing a complaint against the assistant on the other. This

conflict is not limited to this case but is daily between residents and urban dwellers. In this case, we

are talking about the relationship of the inhabitants to the city. It is defined as

“a living environment, the place where men and women work, travel, meet, grow and

play.” (Tochtermann, 1991, 12).

In appearance, the city is a daily environment full of routine, place of work but in the background it

is represented differently by the inhabitants through their occupied places within this space, a

representation through which occurs a space transgressing the geomathematical vision and created

mentally and socially through daily interactions. Thus, it is a discursive space where

“social knowledge is built into the very process of interaction and interactants create

their own world by behaving as they do.” (Gumperz, 1989, 61).

It is in this shift of meaning, we speak of a conversational daily life flees from any logical calculation

and becomes a spokesperson evoked by the inhabitants in a common place: The street. It is not only

a place of passage of people or vehicles but it is a process of mobility loaded with experiences lived

by them (The inhabitants). Here, a processual anthropological dialectic is created between the

inside of the inhabitants, their homes, and the outside, the street, as being mental and cultural

perceptions that encourage them to invent their own images about their homes, as intimate internal

spaces, and about the street where things are located spatially(Sansot, 1996, 302) . To understand

better this dialectic, it should be noted that daily speaking makes the street a routine junk space and

repetitive activities c 'est-a path of liberation from the daily’s prison by spending time in language

exchanges in different political or economic objects. Moreover, this street as a sphere of being Self,

according to Vincent De Gaulejac, fed by internal dynamic messages that our respondents from the

two studied neighborhoods adopt to emerge the «I daily».

The latter is built by the daily interactions between the inhabitants on a land of common marginality

lived socially and through which emerges another conception of the city, it is the city-street hidden

from the eyes of public institutions and in this space is forged a memory of the collective spirit lived

(Bouchrara Zannad, 2006) on a vulnerable peripheral stage. Throughout our field study, we found

that the inhabited neighborhood is above all a point of sensual creation more than a lot of land

bought and built. This creation marked the circles of dialogue and the turn of speech between

neighbours, each of which serves to possess the interactive field in an acceptable way. In this way,

the daily discourse plays a primary role in the relationship of the inhabitants to the urban space

because this relationship is not only economic but also sociodiscursive.

Because the understanding of the representations of the inhabitants vis-à-vis the city focuses not

only on their mental perceptions but also on the impact of these perceptions on their ways of

speaking. From this point of view, we can say that daily life is an ordinary knowledge and all sensual

practices involve the ways in which each inhabitant expresses its belonging to its inhabited space

considered as urban village on the one hand and to its external world lived and experienced on the

other hand. The question here is the capacity of the inhabitants of the Ben Saida and Erryadh

neighbourhoods to constitute their urban identity.

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Saadellaoui, W., Zafouri, A., & Elloumi, A. (2020). Periurban Housing: The Genesis Of A New Urban Identity: Case Of Two Suburbs Of Sfax City In Tunisia.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 7(9) 109-118.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.8933 117

Fifth, the daily discourse of the inhabitants studied has created an intersubjective world charged

with meaning and symbols through which the interviewees sign their territorial and identity

affiliations.

Sixthly, the configuration of the Rurbain man attaches itself on the one hand to a crisis of a rural

identity and gives rise to a new identity called ambivalent Rurbain on the other hand.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, peri-urban housing, as a recent phenomenon, is seen as a form of advocacy against

policies that are incapable of understanding the specific characteristics of rural Tunisia. This

inadequacy has pushed the rural population of the interior regions of Tunisia to the exodus to lateral

cities where it will create its new way of life through the purchase of a plot of land to build a house

even if clandestinely on a peripheral territory of the center city, as is the case with Sfax.

Indeed, we must not see this type of housing as a portrait of disfigurement of the city but as a living

space produced by the inhabitants of the neighborhoods of Ben Saida and Erryadh where they seek

the hope of living in favourable conditions than those lived in their territories of rural origin. Our

empirical study conducted in these two neighborhoods led us to discover the representations of the

inhabitants vis-à-vis themselves and the city. These representations are not only mere mental

perceptions but also daily practices that the inhabitants charge with meaning and meanings through

their discourses and their encounters to create permanent or transient neighbourhood relations in

interacting with other residents.

In addition, daily contacts are not simply dialogues exchanged but also identities between

neighbours of different social and linguistic origins. These identity contacts have contributed to the

genesis of a new identity called ambivalent rurbaine that each inhabitant serves to keep in order to

continue to live as an actor has its peripheral lifestyle and culture able to integrate into the

constraints of urban space.

References

1. Belhedi (amor) (1992). Société, espace et développement en tunisie, tunisie : faculté des sciences humaine et

sociales de tunis.

2. Bouchrara zannad (traki) (2006). La mémoire du vécu : pour une sociologie du vécu, tunisie : serec.

3. De gaulejac (vincent)(2009). Qui est-je? Paris: seuil.

4. Goffman (erving) (1973). La mise en scène de la vie quotidienne, tomme1: la présentation de soi, paris : minuit.

5. Gumperz (john) (1989). Engager la conversation : introduction à la sociolinguistique interactionnelle, traduit de

l’anglais par michel dartevelle, martine gilbert et isaac joseph. Paris : minuit.

6. Navez-bouchanine (françoise) (2002). La fragmentation en question : des villes entre fragmentation spatiale et

fragmentation sociale ?, paris : l’harmattan.

7. Sansot(pierre) (1996). Poétique de la ville, paris : armand colin.

Articles

1. Dodier (rodolphe) (2007). « « les périurbains et la ville : entre individualisme et logiques collectives. Itinéraires

croisés en pays de la loire" ». Les annales de la recherche urbaine, no 102: 31-39.