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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal – Vol. 8, No. 2

Publication Date: February 25, 2021

DOI:10.14738/assrj.82.9669.

Gosetti, V., & Manoussaki, K. (2021). Blame is in the Eye of the beholder: Assessing the Role of Ambivalent Sexism on Subtle Rape Myth

Acceptance. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(2) 284-295.

Blame is in the Eye of the beholder: Assessing the Role of Ambivalent

Sexism on Subtle Rape Myth Acceptance

Gosetti, Valentina

University of the West of Scotland

Manoussaki, Kallia

University of the West of Scotland

ABSTRACT

The goal of the present study was to determine whether ambivalent

sexism predicts subtle rape myth acceptance. Respondents comprised

of 211 university students, who completed the Ambivalent Sexism

Inventory (Glick & Fiske, 1996) and the updated version of the Illinois

Rape Myth Acceptance scale (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). Results

indicated that while benevolent sexism significantly predicted

acceptance of subtle rape myths, hostile sexism did not. Additionally,

male participants reported more ambivalent sexism and subtle rape

myth acceptance than females. These findings add to the literature

investigating gender inequality and rape mythology by giving a first

account on the link between subtle rape myths and ambivalent sexist

attitudes.

Keywords: Gender-based Violence; Rape Mythology; Subtle Rape Myths;

Ambivalent Sexism

INTRODUCTION

Gender-based violence (GBV) is generally defined as acts of violence inflicted upon a victim based

on their gender (Krantz, 2002). GBV is almost wholly carried out against women by men (World

Health Organization, 2017) and is thus affirmed as a direct product of gender inequality and

power disparity and has been conceptualized as central to maintaining the patriarchal structure

(Krantz & Garcia-Moreno, 2005). Physical and psychological abuse, coercion and the threat of

violence serve to maintainthe status quo by consistently reasserting women’s subservience and

powerlessness to men (Ahrens, 2006; Brownmiller, 1975; Burt, 1980) and Hunnicutt, 2009).

Sexual violence figures indicate that 1 in 3 women worldwide have experienced some form of

sexual violence in their lifetime (World Health Organization, 2017). Scottish figures reiterate the

gravity of this issue within the country, with 1 in 10 women aged over 16 having been raped and 1

in 5 having experienced attempted rape, according to the 2015 National Survey of Sexual Attitudes

and Lifestyles (Fuller, Clifton, Field, Mercer, Prah et al., 2015). In fact, though many other crime

rates have been consistently declining in Scotland, rape reports have been on an upward trend

since 1974 and are currently at the highest recorded level since 1971 (Scottish Government,

2019). Additionally, the most recent crime statistics released by the Scottish government show

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Gosetti, V., & Manoussaki, K. (2021). Blame is in the Eye of the beholder: Assessing the Role of Ambivalent Sexism on Subtle Rape Myth Acceptance.

Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 8(2) 285-295.

URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.82.9669. 285

that 2426 completed and attempted rapes were reported to the police between the years 2018

and 2019 alone, which is a worrying 8% more than the year prior - as opposed to the comparably

minor 1% increase for overall crime and a 115% increase since 2010 (Scottish Government,

2019).

The non-disclosure of sexual violence isn’t surprising given that the majority of victims who

report sexual violence receive negative reactions from at least one individual in their own social

network (Ahrens, 2006; Campbell, Ahrens, Sefl, Wasco & Barnes., 2001) as well as the criminal

justice system (Ahrens, 2006; Grubb & Turner, 2012; Lehner, 2017). Receiving negative comments

upon disclosure may alter victims’ perceptions of their own attack (Koss, 1985), with studies

revealing that among women whose experience met the operational definition of rape, between

43% (Koss & Oros, 1982) and 73% (Koss, Dinero, Siebel & Cox, 1988) did acknowledge their

experience as rape.

Victim blaming, which is characteristic of the response patterns associated with GBV, has been

investigated as part of an increasing body of literature examining societal attitudes toward sexual

violence. The construct of “rape myths” was first introduced in the 1970s in sociological

(Schwendinger & Schwendinger, 1974) and second wave feminist (Brownmiller, 1975) literature

to define a complex set of false beliefs and stereotypes surrounding rape, rape victims and rapists.

These include that women enjoy rape, lie about it, deserved it or that men cannot help themselves,

all of which trivialize assaults (Brownmiller, 1975; Burt, 1980; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; 1995),

attribute blame to the victim (Grubb & Turner, 2012) and increase the likelihood of further sexual

violence. Moreover acceptance of rape myths affect cause internalized blame for the victim herself

(Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2004), which may prolong non-disclosure and perpetuate suffering.

The pervasive nature of rape mythology, which is grounded in sexism adversely impact the

treatment of victims (Ahrens, 2006; Campbell et al., 2001) and may influence the likelihood of

prosecution and conviction rates (Grubb & Turner, 2012; Lehner, 2017).

Despite the fact that both men and women have been found to endorse rape myths, men have

consistently been shown to be more accepting of rape myths than women (Kelly & Stermac, 2008;

Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, 1995). Furthermore, a strong relationship between RMA and men’s

rape proclivity, or likelihood of perpetrating rape has been established in the literature (Bohner,

Siebler & Schmelcher, 2006; Chapleau & Oswald, 2010; Chiroro, Bohner, Viki & Jarvis, 2004). Thus

research has long focused on identifying the underlying ideologies that predict and maintain these

myths. Glick and Fiske’s reconceptualization of sexism as a dual-nature construct which

encompasses both stereotypically negative (Hostile Sexism) and seemingly positive (Benevolent

Sexism) attitudes toward women, known as “Ambivalent Sexism” (1996, 1997) in central to the

study of gender based violence as it explains attributions of blame to women who do not comply

with ascribed roles (Davies, Gilston & Rogers, 2012; Eagly & Mladinic, 1994; Glick & Fiske, 1997).

Both hostile and benevolent sexism as conceptualized by Glick and Fiske place women in a

subservient position.

Past research has typically found a relationship between Hostile Sexism RMA (Glick & Fiske, 1997;

Glick et al., 2000). However, subsequent studies distinguishing between stranger rape and

acquaintance rape scenarios found Benevolent Sexism to be a predictor of victim blame in

acquaintance rape scenarios (Abrams, Viki, Masser & Bohner, 2003; Viki & Abrams, 2002).

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Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal (ASSRJ) Vol.8, Issue 2, Febraury-2021

Concerns have been raised in recent years about the extent to which such Rape Myth Acceptance

scales can adequately assess current expressions of rape myths (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). For

example, students have been found to score very low on the IRMA scale while expressing rape

myths in interviews and focus groups (McMahon, 2007). Taking into account that the cultural

nature of rape myths makes them susceptible to changes over time (Forbes, Adam-Curtis & White,

2004; Payne et al., 1999), McMahon’s findings are most likely an indication of a shift in expression

of rape myths within the younger population. This could be particularly true of students, who have

a higher chance of exposure to formal or informal education on sexual violence and may therefore

be more conscious of the fact that traditional and overt rape myths are not socially acceptable

(Frazier, Valtinson & Candell, 1994) or may simply not identify with traditional expressions of

rape mythology (McMahon & Farmer, 2011).

Shifts in expression may reflect that more subtlety is engaged when expressing sexist attitudes

(Swim, Aikin, Hall & Hunter, 1995). For example, while an overtly sexist comment may refer to the

inferiority of women to men, subtle sexism may be expressed by a denial that gender inequality is

still an issue (Swim et al, 1995). Similarly, traditional rape myths may be replaced by more subtle

expressions that do not directly blame the victim for their attack but rather express that they put

themselves at risk (McMahon, 2007). In order to account for this shift, McMahon & Farmer (2011)

developed an updated version of the IRMA scale which reflects more current societal attitudes and

assesses the subtleties of rape mythology. This 22-item revised version of the scale was updated in

terms of language, placed a stronger emphasis on victim blame and measured four subscales,

namely “She Asked for It”, “He Didn’t Mean to”, “It Wasn’t Really Rape” and “She Lied”.

In an effort to expand on previous knowledge of rape mythology by exploring subtle expressions,

the present research aims to investigate the relationship between ambivalent sexism and subtle

rape myths in the student population, since students have been identified as the most likely to

exhibit subtle expressions of rape myths (Frazier et al., 1994; McMahon, 2007; McMahon &

Farmer, 2011), while accounting for the effects of gender and social desirability. Drawing from

existing literature, it is hypothesized that both hostile and benevolent sexism will significantly

predict subtle rape myth acceptance and that Complementary Gender Differences will significantly

predict the IRMA subscale “She Asked for It”. Moreover, it is hypothesized that Heterosexual

Intimacy will significantly predict the subscale “He Didn’t Mean To” and that hostile sexism will

significantly predict subscales “She Lied” and “It Wasn’t Really Rape. Furthermore, it is

hypothesized that both social desirability (Hart, Ritchie, Hepper and Gebauer’s, 2015) will

significantly predict subtle rape myth acceptance overall. In regards to gender differences, in line

with previous research (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1995; Glick & Fiske, 1997), it is expected that male

respondents will show greater levels of endorsement of both subtle rape myths and ambivalent

sexist attitudes than female respondents.

METHODOLOGY

Participants

281 university students were initially recruited via advertising on different social media online

platforms as well as the University online teaching site. After 52 participants were excluded from

analyses the final sample was comprised of 211 university students (162 females; 43 males; 5